The global Druze community comprises approximately one million people, primarily residing in Israel, Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan, with a concentration in mountainous regions. In Syria, the estimated population is approximately 600,000 people—about 100,000 fewer than before the outbreak of the civil war in 2011.
In recent years, many Druze have left the country due to the internal war, the economic situation, and lack of employment. In addition, there have been many movements and internal migrations of Druze within Syria—mainly towards the southern part of the country. Today, they are concentrated in eastern and southern Syria, particularly in the mountainous regions. Around 350,000 Druze live in the As-Suwayda Governorate, mainly in Jabal al-Druze (the Mountain of the Druze). At the same time, the rest are located in the suburbs of Damascus and the Idlib Governorate in the northwest of the country.
Idlib became a rebel stronghold and was already controlled in 2014 by Islamist groups such as ISIS, Jabhat al-Nusra, and others, who tormented the Druze through persecution, kidnappings, and property seizures. On July 25, 2018, ISIS operatives entered the As-Suwayda region and launched multiple attacks against residents, including suicide bombings that killed more than 220 Druze and wounded hundreds.
During Bashar al-Assad’s rule, the Druze refused to serve in the Syrian army or to recognize and support the president in elections, in order not to grant him legitimacy. As a result, there were numerous but limited clashes between the Druze and the Assad regime, which did not escalate to significant levels or outright massacres. Additionally, Assad was deterred by Israel and refrained from committing crimes against the Druze due to their ties with it. In general, minorities under Ba’ath rule lived relatively peacefully and did not suffer persecution based on their identity. Only the Jews in Syria suffered harassment and restrictions from the regime until 1990, when Assad senior permitted them to emigrate. Many moved to the United States, and some immigrated to Israel and settled there.
Longing for the Old Regime
Syria is composed of many minorities: Druze, Alawites, Christians, Kurds, and others. The secular (Alawite) regime of the Ba’ath Party (the Assad family) granted them freedom of worship and even protected them. This protection provided Bashar with significant advantages during the civil war. For years, the equation was straightforward—either Assad or anarchy, which would lead to the destruction of the minorities. This was the message conveyed by the president, warning that if ISIS took power, it would annihilate all minorities (the original plan of ISIS corresponded to its name—the establishment of an Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant—covering Lebanon and Syria).
Thanks to the minority card he held, Bashar al-Assad’s regime survived until his ouster in December 2024. However, a few months later, in March 2025, the first massacre against the Alawites occurred. Many viewed this massacre as revenge for the ethnic origin of Syria’s former rulers, who had ruled with an iron fist over their people. Yet, gradually the picture became clearer: Ahmad al-Shara, known as Abu Mohammad al-Jolani, is changing the face of Syria and turning it into an Islamic state. The constitution that was written and adopted does not respect the freedom of worship of minorities and does not even mention their ethnic identity, not to mention their rights. These minorities, who enjoyed freedom of worship and protection during Assad’s rule, now find themselves in a country they do not recognize, one that respects only Sunni Islam, a country in which they have been relegated to second- and third-class citizens.
We saw the evidence of this in the massacre of the Alawites on the coastal plain, when Islamists close to the new president kidnapped, murdered, tortured, and humiliated members of the sect, calling them infidels because, according to their claim, they did not belong to Sunni Islam. The massacre of the Alawites was not a one-time episode in the ongoing plight of minorities in the new Syria, and we are now once again witnessing the same images and accusations—this time directed at the Druze.
The Druze in the Eyes of Islam: This Is What Happens to “Traitors”
According to extremist Muslims, the Druze do not belong to Islam; on the contrary, they betrayed the religion and split away from it, and therefore are perceived as impure and infidel, similar to the Alawites, despite being a monotheistic faith that believes in one God and even in some principles of Islam.
All indications point to Syria heading down the path of Afghanistan, becoming an Islamic state, although the future in our eastern neighbor appears even darker. Estimates suggest that President al-Jolani intends to establish an Islamic Caliphate, at the head of which will stand his ally and patron, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the President of Turkey. At the same time, he will serve as the ruler of Syria—Emir al-Sham.
These assessments do not emerge from thin air. A few months ago, Lebanese researcher Nijal Hamadeh revealed that in 2017, he purchased a secret 55-page document from a Salafist activist, authored in the past by al-Jolani, titled “How to Expel Minorities from Syria and Islamic Countries?”. In 2013, al-Jolani had presented this proposal to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, then-leader of ISIS. The Lebanese researcher notes that the plan details, among other things, how to expel seven minority groups from Syria: Alawites, Shiites, Ismailis, Druze, Murshidis, Yazidis, and Christians.
The Foreign Fighters: From Asset to Liability
No one knows exactly how many foreign fighters are currently in Syria, but estimates speak of tens of thousands, including their family members. These are fighters who joined al-Jolani’s organization when he headed “Hayat Tahrir al-Sham”—“The Organization for the Liberation of the Levant”—and helped him overthrow Assad. This is a strong nucleus that cannot be ignored. These fighters have frequently been seen harassing and disturbing local Syrian citizens, which has led to harsh criticism against the president. The fighters are Muslims—Sunnis, Chechens, Turkmens, and Uyghurs. Their role as the president’s loyalists is made possible because the determining factor among the Salafists is religion, not citizenship. As long as you are Muslim, you belong, even if you come from a foreign country.
The issue of foreign fighters heavily burdens al-Jolani’s rule, and recently, an agreement was formulated in coordination with the Americans to integrate around 3,500 of them into the Syrian army. Thomas Barak, the American ambassador to Turkey who was appointed as Trump’s special envoy to Syria, recently said in an interview with Reuters in Damascus: “I say there is an understanding, with transparency.” According to him, it is preferable to keep the fighters, many of whom are “very loyal” to the new Syrian regime, within a state project rather than exclude them.
Aspirations of the Islamic Caliphate
Despite the differences between the two groups—the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafi Jihadists—they both share the dream of establishing an Islamic Caliphate. According to their vision, such a caliphate would be headed by a Muslim leader who would rule according to Islamic law (Sharia), as was the case in history after the death of the Prophet Muhammad.
An Islamic Caliphate is a state or empire led by a caliph, a spiritual and political leader of all Muslims and non-Muslims living within its territories. These inhabitants are obligated to follow Islamic law and obey its rules, being defined as second-class citizens—dhimmis (protected people). These include, for example, Christians, Jews, Druze, and others, who are permitted to live in Muslim lands and receive protection from the ruler, provided they pay a head tax called jizya. However, these protected individuals are subject to obligations and restrictions, such as the prohibition on public prayer and the ban on blowing the shofar, among others. In other words, the status of protected people is significantly inferior to that of Muslims. They live in humiliation, as stated in verse 29 of Surah At-Tawbah (9):
“Fight those who do not believe in Allah (non-Muslims), nor in the Last Day (the Day of Judgment), nor forbid what Allah and His Messenger have forbidden, nor follow the religion of truth (Islam)—among those who were given the Scripture (Jews and Christians)—until they pay the jizya with willing submission while being humiliated.” This verse explicitly calls for collecting money from non-Muslims and humiliating them. It is not a matter of interpretation but the direct words of Allah from the Quran, according to Muslims.
Not Just Abuse – Also Humiliation
The Druze in Syria have three foremost spiritual leaders. The most important and influential among them is Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri, who is considered an opponent of al-Jolani’s rule and is also known for his close ties to Israel and Druze circles there, due to geographical and historical connections. In addition, two main armed factions are operating in Syria, comprising thousands of trained fighters: the Al-Karama (Dignity) faction, led by military commander Laith al-Balaous, son of Wahid al-Balaous, a known opponent of Bashar al-Assad; and the Ahrar al-Jabal (The Free of the Mountain) faction, headed by Sheikh Suleiman Abd al-Baqi.
The armed clashes that took place on July 14 this year began after a Druze merchant was beaten and murdered by Bedouins while traveling on the road outside the city of As-Suwayda. Tensions flared, and thousands of Bedouins from Iraq and even Saudi Arabia expressed willingness to join the fighting in support of the Bedouins, who received backing (including weapons and ammunition at times) from Syria’s Ministry of Interior and Ministry of Defense. The day after the merchant’s murder, mutual kidnappings occurred, and dozens of massacres were committed against the Druze. Additionally, videos were circulated showing regime operatives slaughtering Druze, shooting at them, and even abusing their corpses. Reports from As-Suwayda indicate bloody events, and so far, it remains unclear how many were killed.
The many videos depicting the abuse of Druze recalled the massacre of the Alawites in March of this year. However, the footage from As-Suwayda included an added humiliating element: regime forces in uniform forcibly shaved the mustaches of Druze sheikhs. This was an attempt to humiliate them and cause them to doubt their faith, since according to tradition, growing a mustache symbolizes manhood and belonging to the Druze community. The regime forces, who consider them infidels not belonging to Islam, were documented quoting from Islamic oral law (Hadith) during the shaving, reciting: “Trim the mustache and grow the beard as commanded by the Prophet Muhammad.” In other words, a Sunni Muslim is expected to grow a beard, not a mustache. This act emphasized not only humiliation but also the process of Islamization and the rejection of any religion other than Sunni Islam.
The President’s Speech: Israel Is Also to Blame
In a distinctly anti-Israel speech delivered by the Syrian president a few days after these clashes, he blamed the Druze and Israel for being the leading cause of the riots and called on them to surrender their weapons. In his speech, he openly supported the Bedouin tribes, explaining: “The internal conflict that has erupted between armed groups from the area and the surrounding region stems from old disputes. The leaders of these gangs are those who have refused reconciliation for months, placing their narrow interests above the good of the homeland, and in recent days have committed crimes against civilians.”
The president also highlighted what he described as the Syrian state’s efforts: “The Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Interior carried out a broad deployment in the As-Suwayda Governorate in a vigorous effort to restore order and end the escalation. They succeeded in restoring stability and eliminating illegal groups, despite Israeli interference. In response, the Israeli entity carried out a broad attack on civilian and government facilities to undermine these efforts, which led to a worsening of the situation and large-scale escalation. Were it not for the effective intervention of American, Arab, and Turkish mediation, the region would have faced an unknown fate.”
In other words, al-Jolani blames the Druze and their spiritual leader, al-Hijri, for their refusal to surrender and obey the government’s orders. At the end of the speech, he blamed Israel as the central factor for the anarchy, claiming that it always encourages and creates civil wars in the region. Regarding the lack of military involvement by his regime, the president stated: “We were faced with two options: open war with the Israeli entity at the expense of our Druze people, their security, and the stability of Syria and the entire region—or allowing the Druze dignitaries to return to the right path, to prioritize the good of the homeland, and to oppose those who seek to tarnish the reputation of the noble mountain people. We do not shy away from war—our lives are devoted to confronting challenges and defending our people—but we preferred the well-being of Syrians over anarchy and destruction.”
From Thoughts of Normalization – Back to Reality
Before the massacre of the Druze, there were calls in Israel for normalization with Syria, and reports even surfaced of meetings between Syrians and Israelis mediated by Turkey in Azerbaijan and the United Arab Emirates. There was discussion of initial security agreements, followed by a comprehensive normalization agreement between the two countries. However, the Druze massacre and the military confrontation with Israel overturned the situation and brought policymakers back to the harsh realities of the Middle East.
Since seizing power, the Syrian president has attempted to promote the idea of a unified Syria, with one color and one geography—free from foreign presence. His idea is first to establish a homeland for Syrians that would not allow any sect or organization to bear arms. In the second stage, it seems he plans to establish an Islamic Caliphate after a process of Islamization of the state and its citizens, with the minorities, of course, being the victims.
As for Israeli involvement, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz have declared multiple times that they will not abandon the Druze, stating that harm to them is a red line. However, Israel has failed to prevent the Druze massacre despite the diplomatic, military, and humanitarian assistance it has provided to the community since the beginning of the crisis. Pressure from Mowafaq Tarif, the head of the Druze community in Israel, and other senior officials, as well as the fact that hundreds of Israeli Druze illegally crossed the border into Syria to assist their brethren in the fighting, have created discomfort among Israeli decision-makers.
The humanitarian situation in As-Suwayda is currently dire. There are shortages of food, fuel, and medical supplies. There is no electricity or water. There are calls from the Druze, including those living in Israel, for Jordan to open its border, located approximately 60 kilometers from the Druze Mountain. Still, Jordan has yet to make such a decision.
At the time of writing, a ceasefire has already been declared twice, but neither has been held. Armed clashes continue despite American and Israeli mediation efforts on behalf of the Druze. To sum up Israel’s handling of this crisis, it can be stated with certainty that it was too little, too late.
