In the face of growing condemnations worldwide and in Israel regarding the issue of “starvation in Gaza,” France’s declaration of its intention to recognize a Palestinian state, our deteriorating international standing, as well as the reactions of Jewish communities abroad — voices are rising in Israel saying: “The whole world is already against us — no public diplomacy (Hasbara) will help.”
But this is a dangerous, passive, and fundamentally mistaken approach.
If we are now speaking of “seven arenas of warfare,” and add cyber to them, then public diplomacy is the ninth arena. Indeed, Israel is currently facing the most challenging tasks of public diplomacy and international relations since the state’s founding. International media repeatedly highlight the plight of civilians in Gaza, social networks spread harsh images without context, and even countries once friendly to us, such as Spain and Ireland — and perhaps even Australia — alongside many Jewish communities and Jewish audiences around the world, are joining the hostile diplomatic trend.
Yet even within this reality, some things can be done and channels that must be fought in — not only to persuade the world, but also to preserve our legitimacy to defend ourselves.
So what needs to be done to correct this here and now?
First, a robust national public diplomacy apparatus must be established, headed by a figure of stature with the necessary background and experience, directly subordinate to the Prime Minister. This person would coordinate the international public diplomacy campaign and enable joint work among the Prime Minister’s Office, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the IDF Spokesperson, the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories, and all relevant bodies — including civil organizations, students, Jewish communities abroad, and more.
Public diplomacy must be continuous and ongoing, not just a response to crises. Moreover, there must always be “out-of-the-box” initiatives, since in the realm of narrative (where the weaker side always prevails) and numbers (Jews/Israelis versus the Arab world), we are at a disadvantage. Initiatives such as the “Horror Film,” for example, can be true game-changers in shaping perceptions.
Another example of activity beyond conventional thinking is the “Central Public Diplomacy Headquarters” — an NGO founded during the first week of the “Iron Swords” war, without any infrastructure, which managed to mobilize resources and numerous volunteers in Israel and abroad. The organization launched projects, such as a competition among schools to create youth public diplomacy channels, and recently initiated a pilot project recruiting Israeli youth for service programs in the U.S. to support public diplomacy efforts.
It must be remembered that the war on social networks is a numbers game, and we are at a disadvantage; therefore, the issue requires focused treatment.
Bring the Humanitarian Effort to the Forefront
One of the primary areas where Israel has faltered in public diplomacy is in the humanitarian field. While harrowing images from Gaza flood the screens, the world hears almost nothing about the facts on the ground.
First — since the beginning of the war, more than twenty thousand humanitarian aid trucks have entered Gaza from Israel, including food, water, medicine, and fuel — more aid than ever delivered to the Strip in such a timeframe.
Second — the Kerem Shalom and Erez crossings are repeatedly opened despite rocket fire from Hamas, with Israel taking operational risks to allow aid delivery.
Additionally, Israel allows the entry of fuel and water through pipelines and promotes the construction of temporary desalination facilities, despite genuine concern that they will fall into Hamas’s hands. The IDF has also opened humanitarian corridors, safe zones, and issued evacuation calls in advance to reduce civilian casualties. At the same time, Hamas forcibly prevents civilians from leaving and stores weapons in hospitals, mosques, and schools.
But the most striking and troubling fact is that hundreds of aid trucks are stuck for days on the Egyptian side of the Rafah crossing — not because of Israel, but because of Hamas, Egypt, and sometimes even the UN. In this regard, Israel has even revealed internal UN correspondences indicating that aid agencies — though not loudly enough — refused responsibility for food distribution for fear of being perceived as collaborators.
The Resources Exist, but the Silence is Deafening
In practice, the ongoing story of Israel’s massive humanitarian effort versus Hamas’s obstruction and the international community’s negligence is almost absent from global media coverage. This is a severe failure of perception. True, we do not dictate to the media what to report or not — but there are other channels through which we can do so.
In reality, the IDF Spokesperson is almost the only figure, since the outbreak of the war, who regularly stands in front of the cameras. Yet, the public diplomacy effort should be civilian — especially on humanitarian issues — in cooperation with, but not led by, the IDF Spokesperson.
How is it that a state with impressive capabilities in many fields, with intelligent and talented people, has failed to appoint and position a national spokesperson? Not the Prime Minister or the IDF Spokesperson, but an articulate, knowledgeable, and experienced person — authoritative and multilingual — who could stand before the world’s media daily and present Israel’s position.
This is not about money either. Resources were allocated but remain unused. The Government of Israel has failed — or perhaps deliberately avoided — managing resources wisely and directing them toward establishing and operating a coordinated, multilingual, multidimensional public diplomacy system capable of disseminating real-time information throughout each day of the campaign.
Since the beginning of the war, there has also been no international campaign explaining the direct connection between the situation in Gaza and the prevention of the hostages’ return. And even in Israel’s and the IDF’s responses to unusual incidents or mistakes requiring explanation, the replies are often technical, not clear, emotional messages that speak the global language.
The challenge we face is not only the military fight against Hamas, but a broad battle over the narrative: who is perceived as the aggressor and who as the defender, who takes responsibility and who abandons their people. If we leave the public diplomacy arena, we will lose not only international support but also the internal legitimacy of key audiences in the U.S., Africa, and emerging countries in the East. In such a situation, future military steps will face severe obstacles — including sanctions or boycotts — and our enemies will know how to target precisely this soft underbelly.
Advice to Politicians – Look at Ourselves Too
One of the greatest dangers to Israel’s public diplomacy comes not from the enemy — but from within. When Israeli public figures, including generals or former prime ministers, Knesset members, and ministers, use terms like “pogrom,” “concentration camps,” or “deliberate starvation,” they not only provide fuel for Hamas propaganda — they undermine Israel’s credibility in the international arena.
Such statements become headline news in Europe and America, quoted repeatedly at the UN, and used to portray Israel as a state admitting to crimes. Irresponsible remarks by right-wing politicians also cause severe damage.
There is room for internal debate and criticism, but when it comes to the global arena where Israel fights for its very right to defend its citizens, words carry responsibility. Israel must set clear lines for its official representatives, denounce extreme statements, and ensure that the official voice reflects responsibility, morality, and reality — not demagoguery.
As stated, Israel must establish a professional, well-funded national public diplomacy headquarters led by a significant and experienced figure, with impressive multilingual spokespersons, robust infrastructure, and advanced digital tools. The work must be done with the assistance of veterans of the intelligence community and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs — professionals with expertise and language skills.
It is essential to share content in multiple languages on social media and traditional channels, including graphic videos of Hamas attacks. In addition, Israel must launch immediate, ongoing international campaigns on the “starvation” issue, clarifying that we are not fighting the population but Hamas — the perpetrator of the October 7 massacre — including testimonies from Palestinians that the terror organization ruling Gaza prevents them from receiving aid. Alongside this, real-time documentation for humanitarian assistance delayed by other actors must be presented with testimonies, documents, and live images.
Israeli public diplomacy in the Iron Sword War is not a lost battle. True, these are tough fights in an unequal campaign — and precisely for this reason, we must not abandon it. Israeli public diplomacy is not meant to beautify reality, but to present truth against lies and reflect the whole picture. In a world where truth is often judged by who presents it faster and sharper with visual tools, Israel must not succumb to silence or despair.
The struggle for our legitimacy to defend ourselves is an existential one. We cannot win it without speaking, explaining, and acting — with a clear, accurate, and organized voice.
