External Interference
No country accepts foreign interference in its internal affairs, and Israel is no exception. Israel regards foreign intervention in its internal matters, including issues related to its relationship with the Palestinian Authority, as “questionable interference and an illegal subversive act,” as defined by the Research Division of the Ministry of Intelligence. However, foreign entities disregard Israel’s position, and their assistance to the Palestinian Authority in the creeping takeover of Area C is based on the perception that such intervention is both lawful and legitimate.
This approach has solidified over the past decade, during which the traditional positions of foreign entities—primarily the European Union and various European governments—have shifted.
A small number of international organizations began addressing the issue of Area C as early as the early 2000s, initially focusing on alleged “Israeli violations” while avoiding discussion of unilateral Palestinian actions out of concern that such actions might further erode the reality established by the Oslo Accords. According to the Ministry of Intelligence’s Research Division, a significant turning point was a 2011 European Union report emphasizing the necessity of unilateral processes. The report’s recommendations were adopted by the European Parliament the following year, providing a framework of legitimacy for the EU, its member states, and affiliated organizations and agencies to take action in Area C.
One of the main reasons various international bodies have rallied behind the Palestinian plan to take over Area C is their adoption of the Palestinian narrative. This narrative argues that Israel, under multiple pretexts deemed unjustified by these entities, prevents Palestinians from accessing the necessary conditions for daily life and development in Area C. In legal terms, when one party asserts ownership rights and no opposing party actively contests them, ownership rights over the land become established. Consequently, Israel, without formally deciding to do so, is effectively relinquishing its ownership rights over its land.
This narrative, backed by supposedly neutral international organizations such as UN agencies or the World Bank, has deeply influenced the international community’s perception. This is evident, for example, in the remarks of John Kerry, who served as U.S. Secretary of State under President Obama from 2013 to 2017, stating that Israel was preventing the development of Area C for Palestinians.
Another justification the European Union presents for its involvement in Area C is humanitarian. The EU argues that Israel is not fulfilling its obligations and is failing to address the humanitarian needs of the local population. According to this claim, international actors are stepping in to fill the gaps left by Israel, as reflected in a 2016 EU report:
“Funding assistance is provided in situations where Israel, as the occupying power, fails to fulfill its obligations to meet humanitarian needs and other basic requirements, such as access to housing, water, education, healthcare, and the right to an adequate standard of living.”
A significant portion of the international community also challenges the legitimacy of Israel’s claims regarding its authority to carry out land registration, planning, and construction processes in Area C. These international bodies seek to prevent Israel from conducting registration procedures, arguing that as an “occupying power,” it is prohibited from doing so. Actions taken by the Civil Administration against Palestinians, particularly enforcement measures such as evacuations, confiscation of equipment, and demolitions, are perceived as illegal and discriminatory against the Palestinian population. According to researchers from the Ministry of Intelligence,
“This approach, supported by legal opinions, legitimizes funding activities that Israel considers illegal.”
The Palestinian Authority presents its unilateral plan for Area C as a means of advancing the “two-state solution.” The European Union has also embraced this approach. According to this view, Arab construction in Area C serves as a counterweight to Israeli settlement expansion. It establishes facts on the ground that will facilitate the creation of a Palestinian state. Construction in the area is seen as an effective tool for shaping the future borders of a Palestinian state in line with UN and European Parliament resolutions, based on the belief that it is necessary to “preserve a window of opportunity for a political settlement” that is rapidly closing due to Israel’s actions on the ground.
This perspective gained traction following UN Security Council Resolution 2334, passed at the end of President Obama’s tenure in the White House, just before Donald Trump succeeded him. The resolution declared Israeli settlements illegal, a blatant violation of international law, and an obstacle to achieving a sustainable peace based on the two-state solution.
Today, a long list of foreign entities, primarily European, continue to show increasing commitment to the Palestinian agenda. This activity intensified during the Trump administration, reflecting the differences in approach between the U.S. and Europe regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the declining relevance of the Palestinian Authority, and the absence of viable policy tools.
Support and Funding
Funding is the most significant and active component of international support for the Palestinian campaign. Money is transferred through various direct and indirect channels, with part allocated to funding organizations and associations involved, among other things, in the struggle over Area C. The Ministry of Intelligence Research Division notes that due to this complexity, along with methodological challenges and coverage gaps, “it is difficult to produce a definitive and agreed-upon assessment of the possible scale of funds invested by these entities in the campaign over Area C.” However, the division estimates that between 2014 and 2021, no less than half a billion dollars (approximately 1.8 billion shekels) were transferred to the Palestinians through various channels, “and the actual amount may be significantly higher.”
Support for the Palestinians is not limited to funding residential buildings. It extends to the planning and implementing a long list of projects managed on a project-based basis, including the construction, renovation, and upgrading of public buildings, community centers, and clubs, as well as the establishment of educational institutions, parks, and public gardens. This component also includes installing water and sewage infrastructure, upgrading the electricity grid, and, most notably, road paving.
Over the past five years, at least 120 million euros—roughly half a billion shekels—have been invested in these activities. In addition to these funds, foreign money channeled through other routes has financed the development of agricultural roads, terraces, irrigation systems, wells, canals, tree planting, the deployment of containers, and the supply of equipment. This activity alone has funded at least 120 million shekels over the past five years. Various testimonies suggest that this funding constitutes up to 90% of the total resources available to Palestinian organizations in this domain.
The European Union and its member states also provide legal assistance to facilitate the Palestinian takeover of Area C. These governments maintain a structured system of support that is synchronized with the Palestinian Authority’s efforts to alter the legal reality on the ground by legally obstructing Israeli enforcement efforts, “laundering” illegal Palestinian activities, offering legal services to residents contesting demolition orders issued by Israeli authorities, and supporting legal battles against Israeli settlements and the security barrier. European governments allocate substantial financial resources—at least 80 million shekels annually—to promote these objectives through official EU channels alone.
Foreign countries also assist the Palestinians in advancing land registration and cadastral mapping efforts, with an annual budget of approximately 120 million shekels. The professional oversight of the Palestinian Land Registry is conducted through a UN agency, which has also established a computerized registration system for the project at an estimated cost of 15 million shekels. Another key partner in these registration efforts is the World Bank, which provides the Palestinian Land Registry Authority with approximately 45 million shekels annually. The Ministry of Intelligence’s Research Division notes that while this project primarily addresses Areas A and B, the modernization of the Palestinian land registry system also enhances its capacity to expand registration capabilities in Area C.
One of the most extensive financial investments has been directed toward the preparation of master plans, the removal of Israeli legal justifications for denying building permits, and the formalization—at least superficially—of Palestinian land seizures. According to the Ministry of Intelligence, this is a long, complex, and expensive process, for which the European Union has paid at least 700 million shekels over the past decade. “It is not unlikely that the figure is nearly double this amount.” The European Union, the United Kingdom, France, and Belgium have provided these funds to planning bodies. This is significant because foreign governments and EU institutions have financed approximately 99% of all submitted master plans.
The plans also include promoting local education, healthcare, culture, employment, and social welfare projects to benefit Bedouin communities in Area C. With European funding, the Palestinian Authority advances initiatives supporting housing and even encouraging migration. This includes providing special financial assistance to young people and students willing to relocate to the Jordan Valley, implementing a dedicated economic development and employment assistance program, and establishing and expanding industrial and agricultural zones.
