The roots of the Houthi movement in Yemen, officially known as Ansar Allah (“Supporters of God”), can be traced back to the 1990s in Saada, Yemen. Their first leader was Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi, a member of the Zaydi sect (not to be confused with the Yazidis), a Shiite faction named after Imam Zayd ibn Ali, who lived in the 8th century. Zayd ibn Ali was the great-grandson of the spiritual father of Shiism, Ali ibn Abi Talib, who was both the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad.

This movement emerged in Yemen in the 1990s as a youth movement called “The Believing Youth Movement.” As its name suggests, it advocated extreme Islam but also demanded rights for the Zaydis, who made up about 30% of the population and suffered from sociopolitical and economic discrimination at the time. This population is estimated at six million, with most Zaydis residing in Yemen. According to Arab estimates in the region, they now constitute up to 40% of Yemen’s population.

The Zaydis were marginalized and discriminated against by the official Yemeni establishment. Over time, the movement gained representation in the Yemeni parliament—Hussein al-Houthi was elected to a parliamentary seat in Saada province in 1993. The movement was met with great support and became widely known for its calls against the U.S., Israel, and Jews. They adopted a slogan similar to Hezbollah’s: “Death to America, Death to Israel.” This originated from young movement members who chanted slogans against the West and Jews during Friday prayers in mosques. The Yemeni government made little effort to curb these calls, which grew louder over the years. A whole generation has grown up with this hatred of the U.S., Israel, and Jews.


The Houthi Slogan
Allahu Akbar (God is Great)
Death to America
Death to Israel
A curse upon the Jews
Victory to Islam

Recruiting Minors, Education, and Propaganda

The relationship between Hussein Badr al-Din and President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who had been in power since 1990, deteriorated due to ideological differences. Saleh, a military man and part of the establishment, did not support militias. He saw the Houthis as an illegal militia. Moreover, he was secular, open-minded, and opposed Islamic radicalization. As tensions rose, clashes between the Houthis and the Yemeni army followed, leading to the death of Hussein al-Houthi in 2004. Since then, his brother, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, born in 1979, has led the movement.

Since its founding, Yemen has been characterized by political instability due to its tribal structure, religious divisions, and external interventions. The unification of North and South Yemen in 1990 initially provided hope for a cohesive national identity. However, growing religious and tribal tensions soon led to divisions. In 2011, the Arab Spring accelerated and fueled mass protests against President Saleh, culminating in his removal. In the ensuing power vacuum, the Houthis took advantage of the situation, expanded their influence, and eventually seized the capital, Sanaa, in 2014. This event marked a significant turning point and ignited a brutal civil war, drawing in regional powers—primarily Saudi Arabia and Iran—each seeking to exert influence over Yemen’s rapid transformation.

Recruiting youth and religious education have been a cornerstone of the Houthis’ military strategy. The education system they have adopted since their inception plays a crucial role in their strategy to expand their influence, particularly among the Zaydi population. In recent years, the movement has established summer camps aimed at indoctrinating and brainwashing youth, instilling the Houthi ideology based on anti-imperialist and anti-Western narratives. These summer camps combine physical training with military tactics. Youth are taught both theoretically and practically how to use and handle weapons. Complaints have surfaced about the forced recruitment of vulnerable minors into the militia. Houthi propaganda has evolved, particularly in newly conquered areas, as their military control expands. In Sunni-majority regions, the Houthis have established schools to convert local youth to Shiite Islam.

Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, the leader of the Houthis, 'The organization’s decentralized approach grants local commanders significant autonomy'
photo: mehrnews

A Decade of Houthi Ascendancy in Yemen

As mentioned, Yemen was not spared from the Arab Spring. Yemenis took to the streets in large numbers, especially on Fridays, demanding equality, freedom, justice, anti-corruption measures, and lower living costs. They were fed up with government corruption and called for elections and reforms. These protests later escalated into armed clashes and confrontations between the Houthis and the Yemeni army. In one such attack, President Ali Abdullah Saleh was injured in a rocket explosion at his palace. He was immediately flown to Saudi Arabia for medical treatment. On June 4, 2011, Vice President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi—who had served in that role since 1994—was appointed interim president. Later, he was officially elected President of Yemen in the general elections held on February 21, 2012.

However, the most significant event of his tenure was the rise of the Houthis and their takeover of the capital, Sanaa, on September 21, 2014, along with key Yemeni army bases. This takeover marked a turning point for Yemen, transforming it from a sovereign state governed by law into a nation ruled by militias. The Houthis’ ties with Iran alarmed Gulf states, especially Saudi Arabia, which suffered from missile attacks launched from Yemen into its territory. On April 7, 2022, Rashad Muhammad al-Alimi assumed the presidency, taking over from Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi. Since then, al-Alimi has served as Yemen’s pro-Saudi president.

A Different Kind of Army

There are no official figures on the size of the Houthi forces, but estimates suggest they have more than 50,000 fighters. Their military organization is structured hierarchically, allowing operational efficiency and strategic decision-making. At the top stands the political leadership, led by Abdul-Malik al-Houthi and his close associates. The decentralized nature of the organization grants significant autonomy to local commanders, enabling them to respond effectively to threats and opportunities.

The Houthis have developed a sophisticated military tactics system reflecting their asymmetric warfare capabilities. They leverage their knowledge of Yemen’s rugged terrain, employing guerrilla tactics such as ambushes and hit-and-run attacks. To counter the conventional military superiority of their adversaries, such as the Saudi forces or the Yemeni army, they take refuge in mountains and tunnels. Increasingly, the Houthis are relying on drone and missile technology—supplied by Iran—to target strategic locations, including military facilities and maritime assets. These tactics not only enhance their military effectiveness but also serve as a deterrent against external aggression, demonstrating their ability to project power beyond Yemen’s borders, as seen in their seizures of ships in the Red Sea.

The President of Yemen, Rashad Mohammed Al-Alimi, considered a pro-Saudi president.
photo: Ali mamon

Iran Built and Operates the Houthis

The Houthis and Iran have a proxy relationship. Iran provides political and military support to the militia, viewing them as strategic allies in its broader campaign against American influence in the region, which also includes Saudi Arabia. This support manifests in financial aid, military supplies, and technological assistance, particularly in missile and drone development.

The Houthi-Iranian connection is not religious. The Houthis are not mainstream Shiites despite their historical split from Shiism; they do not share the same beliefs or spiritual practices as Iran’s ruling clerics. However, this does not prevent Iran from cooperating with them. The common denominator is their shared anti-Saudi and anti-Western stance. The Houthis’ vocal support for Gaza and their involvement in the war against Israel further strengthened their ideological alignment with Iran, bolstering their legitimacy and prestige among Gulf states and the broader Arab world.

The alliance between the Houthis and Iran has significant implications for regional and global stability. The Houthis’ military activities, backed by Iranian technology and strategy, have heightened tensions in the Arabian Peninsula and the Red Sea—especially during the Operation Iron Swords conflict. Their actions have disrupted international shipping and trade routes, prompting responses and new alliances from global powers. The growing influence of the Houthis as an Iranian proxy has led to increased friction, particularly for Saudi Arabia and its allies, including Egypt, which has suffered economic losses amounting to millions of dollars due to fears of sailing through the Red Sea—resulting in a halt to traffic in the Suez Canal.

The Failure of the Arab Coalition Against the Houthis

On March 25, 2015, Gulf states led by Saudi Arabia, with the participation of the UAE, Qatar, and Bahrain, launched a military campaign to support the legitimacy of President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi—the operation aimed to bolster Hadi and eliminate the Houthis, who had seized large areas of Yemen. The campaign received backing from Western nations, particularly the U.S. However, after two months of bombings and artillery strikes, the operation ended without achieving its objectives.

The Arab coalition against the Houthis weakened and eventually fell apart. Qatar was the first to withdraw from the partnership, followed by the UAE. The failure of the military operation escalated tensions along the Saudi-Yemeni border and led to sporadic missile fire into Saudi Arabia. Over the years, the Houthis have launched dozens of ballistic missiles at Saudi Arabia and even at Abu Dhabi. In 2016, an unprecedented missile attack targeted Mecca, Islam’s holiest city. In 2019 and again in 2021, ballistic missiles and drones were launched at Saudi oil facilities, causing massive fires at Aramco installations, with damages estimated in the hundreds of millions of dollars.

These attacks forced Saudi Arabia to reconsider its involvement in the Yemen war, prompting a shift toward diplomatic solutions through negotiations and coordination with Iran. Nevertheless, the Houthis have continued their provocations in the Gulf, such as in January 2022, when they launched a drone strike targeting Abu Dhabi’s airport.

The U.S. administrations of Trump and Biden have taken opposing approaches to the Houthi issue, reflecting broader differences in American foreign policy toward the Middle East. The Trump administration adopted a confrontational stance, designating the Houthis as a terrorist organization and emphasizing military support for Saudi Arabia in its efforts against them. This alignment was part of a broader strategy to counter Iranian influence in the region. In contrast, the Biden administration shifted U.S. policy, focusing on diplomatic engagement and humanitarian considerations. Biden’s team removed the Houthis from the terror list, viewing it as a necessary step to engage with Iran, facilitate negotiations, and address Yemen’s humanitarian crisis. However, this approach drastically changed when the world witnessed the Houthis’ aggressive maritime actions in the Red Sea during Operation Iron Swords.

The Bab el-Mandeb Strait: “The growing influence of the Houthis has led to concerns about navigation in the Red Sea”

The Western Coalition’s Operation Against the Houthis Has Not Succeeded

Operation Prosperity Guardian is the name of a military campaign led by the U.S. military, along with other nations, in response to Houthi aggression against dozens of Western ships, which included missile attacks and hijackings. The Houthis threatened to target any Israeli vessel and any Western boat heading to an Israeli port. Their objective was to impose a blockade on Israel, aiming to weaken and punish it for its war in Gaza.

From the outset of the Gaza conflict, the Houthis publicly declared their support for the Palestinian side and the anti-Israel resistance axis, which includes Hezbollah, Iraqi militias, Hamas factions, and Islamic Jihad in Gaza. Since the start of the war, they have fired dozens of missiles at Israel and launched numerous drones toward Eilat. However, their actions in the Red Sea ultimately compelled the international community to take action against them.

In December 2023, the U.S. announced the launch of Operation Prosperity Guardian to end Houthi activities in the Red Sea. However, despite the airstrikes and bombardments, it is evident that the Houthis remain primarily unscathed and continue their terrorist activities—including hijacking ships and attacking vessels in the Red Sea—to this day.

The Houthis Were Also Activated During “Operation Iron Swords”

Similar to Hezbollah and the Iraqi militias, the Houthis took a clear side from the beginning of Operation Iron Swords, declaring their loyalty to the Iranian-backed “Resistance Front.” Houthi spokesman Yahya Saree became a media star on Qatar’s Al Jazeera network after taking responsibility for attacks on Israeli ships and vessels heading to Israel, as well as missile launches from Yemen toward Israel. Al Jazeera aired promotional clips for his announcements, portraying the Houthis’ actions in the Red Sea as “heroic,” reinforcing their image as defenders of Palestine.

About a month after the October 7 massacre, the Houthis began launching drones toward Eilat. Most were intercepted, while others were destroyed mid-air due to technical malfunctions. However, on July 19 of this year, one drone struck a building in Tel Aviv, killing one Israeli. The following day, the IDF and the Israeli Air Force launched extensive strikes against the Houthi-controlled port of Hudaydah in Yemen. IDF Spokesperson Brigadier General Daniel Hagari explained:

“At 6:00 PM on July 19, we struck near Hudaydah port in Yemen, which is under Houthi control, in response to attacks over the past nine months. These attacks were financed and directed by Iran, using Iranian weaponry. The Houthis launched approximately 220 aerial threats toward Israel, including ballistic missiles. Most of these threats were intercepted by U.S. Central Command forces and the coalition they led in the region, as well as by Israeli air, sea, and land defense systems. Today’s attack is a response to the accumulated events of the past nine months. There was an infiltration into our territory that resulted in casualties.”

Even after the Israeli strike, the Houthis continued their attacks on Israel. On September 15, following a brief pause, they launched a ballistic missile toward Israel, triggering air raid sirens across the Tel Aviv metropolitan area and central Israel. The Houthis claimed responsibility, stating that the hypersonic missile traveled 2,040 km in 11.5 minutes before striking a target near Tel Aviv. However, an IDF investigation later revealed that the rocket disintegrated in mid-air.

Two weeks after the ballistic missile launch, the IDF once again bombed Yemen, this time causing significantly more significant damage than the initial strike. The attacks targeted Hudaydah port and hit infrastructure, including Yemen’s electricity company. In recent months, the Western coalition has also bombarded Houthi positions, primarily aiming to stop their attacks on ships. However, nothing deters this militia, which operates under direct Iranian guidance.

“Iran provides political and military support to the militia and considers the Houthis strategic allies. They are part of Iran’s resistance against American influence in the region”

Bottom Line: Israel Must Take Responsibility for Its Security

The Houthi militia is a terrorist organization that has managed to cause serious trouble for both the Americans and Israel. Despite their geographical distance from Israel, they have found ways to attack not only Israel but also Egypt and Western nations. Their strategy involves taking control of the Red Sea trade corridor, inflicting significant economic damage.

Their geographic position and status as a militia provide them with many advantages. They are agile, highly familiar with the terrain, well-trained, and equipped with advanced weaponry, including drones and UAVs. Targeting them is extremely difficult. They hide in the mountains, minimize their use of technology, and are highly resistant to intelligence infiltration. They do not engage with Western operatives and are known to execute anyone suspected of collaborating with Saudi or Western forces.

Yemen today is caught between Saudi and Iranian influence, divided into three main areas of control:

  • The Houthis
  • The Yemeni army under President Al-Alimi
  • Terrorist organizations linked to Al-Qaeda and the Southern Transitional Council (primarily in southern Yemen).

The country is swaying between Saudi, Emirati, and Iranian influences. The Americans and British attempted to weaken the Houthis but did not achieve sufficient success.
These three entities—the Houthis, the Yemeni government, and other terrorist organizations—are in constant conflict, each serving as a proxy for external powers with interests that do not align with Yemen’s well-being. Therefore, the possibility of peaceful coexistence, reconciliation, or unification is unrealistic. Yemen is likely to continue suffering from wars and conflicts shortly, especially as no single entity appears capable of decisively overcoming the others.

Given this reality, Israel must take responsibility for its security on this front as well and officially designate the Houthis as a terrorist organization, with all the consequences that entails. Israel must take active measures against the Houthis, weaken them, and target their infrastructure and commanders. Israel must restore its deterrence, including against the Houthis.

“The Houthis have launched approximately 220 aerial threats toward Israel.”
photo: Mohammed al-wafi / shutterstock.com